E-Clips:- Business Pictorial - PS's Exit Deals A Blow To Policy Against Corruption

Joining the Government from Transparency International, John Githongo brought not only experience in tackling corruption, but also immense credibility.

As the Executive Director of TI Kenya and a member of the TI board, Githongo was known both in Kenya and internationally as the "high priest of good governance". He quickly came to be known as the anti-graft Czar.

A longtime crusader against corruption, Githongo’s appointment to the key position of Permanent Secretary for Governance and Ethics in the Office of the President was praised by the international community as a plus for the Kibaki Government.

For a Government that had come to power on a platform of fighting corruption, Githongo’s appointment was interpreted as a demonstration of the President Kibaki’s seriousness on the matter.

Quietly, his office was seen as central to a second Narc victory in 2007. The appointment was also seen as a chance for Githongo to implement what he had championed from the NGO world.

Githongo developed an interest in corruption during his work as a journalist. He researched a lot and wrote several articles, which eventually earned him an invitation to the board of the highly respected global anti-corruption lobby, Transparency International. He later established the Kenya Chapter of TI from his cottage in Nairobi and saw the young organisation grow and gain credibility as it led a national crusade against corruption.

At the time of his appointment in 2003, Githongo’s burly figure had become synonymous with the annual sharp reports by Transparency International, indicting various institutions, especially public ones, with corruption. And the Corruption Index, released annually by TI, is taken seriously by countries and donors alike.

Githongo was appointed to his position at just 37, making him the youngest of President Kibaki’s advisors. He was part of a team from the NGO and private sector picked by Kibaki to constitute his administration.

Not having been known to be a Kibaki fanatic and not known to have been in the inner circle of the Narc campaign, Githongo’s friends said he was "shocked" when he learnt about the appointment. But there are those who believe Githongo had all it took — the experience and connections — to get the job.

Githongo was born in Hampstead in the United Kingdom where his parents were studying. The father was studying accounts while the mother was taking a nursing course. They came back home when Githongo was only three and settled in Nairobi.

Githongo went to Lavington Primary School before moving to Consolata Primary. Then he went to the prestigious St Mary’s School for both his ‘O’ and ‘A’ levels. He went to the University of Wales from where he graduated with a Bachelor of Science Degree in Economics and Philosophy.

On coming back, he joined his father’s consultancy firm, Githongo and Associates, until 1990. But in 1991, he developed an interest in writing and publishing. With a friend, Martin Khamala, they plunged into publishing. He did the writing and Khamala the animation.

His skills in research and writing drove him towards journalism and he started writing for Executive magazine, where he rose to the position of associate editor. Later, he was a columnist for The East African for seven years.

In the late 1990s, Githongo’s interest drifted towards research into politics and corruption. He got fascinated with the art of political patronage and the depth of corruption involved. His articles on this caught the eye of Transparency International, which invited him to join its board, replacing his father.

It is believed that it was the older Githongo’s friend and a confidante of the President, Mr Joe Wanjui, who recommended Githongo to Kibaki.

As PS for Ethics and Governance in the Office of the President, Githongo’s main role was to advise the President on issues of governance and ethics in his regime.

It was a role he clearly understood. While at TI, he addressed many international forums on corruption in Kenya.

In July 1998, at Queen’s College, Cambridge, Githongo is reported to have told an attentive audience about the three types of corruption in Kenya: The first, he said, was petty corruption, which involved "payment of small amounts of money or other gifts to either speed up state functions that are actually your right by virtue of the fact that you are a taxpayer or to avoid legal sanctions for minor infractions of the law.

The second was grand corruption, perpetrated by senior government officials to facilitate favourable review of a tender application or a supply contract… or to be allowed to import several containers of goods into the country without paying duty.

The third was looting, which "involves individuals or companies being paid huge sums of money by the State for or services that are never delivered". During his two-year stint at State House, Githongo may have found the last two forms of corruption more than just an academic matter.

Githongo was also charged with the difficult task of communicating the political will to fight corruption.

In all interviews and statements, Githongo remained loyal to his employer, even when it seemed obvious the Government had lost the war on graft.

In an article published in the newspapers in September last year — in the heat of the Anglo Leasing scandal — Githongo confidently stated: " There is a committed and powerful pro-reform lobby in the country led by the President. A lobby that is committed to fulfilling the promise of change rather than lining their own pockets first. A lobby that is committed to a prosperous economy.

A lobby committed to a Kenya where all can live without fear. A lobby that is sincerely aghast at the looting that has taken place in the country in the last 20 years and not merely committed to filling the shoes of those who may have looted before them. This is the New Kenya that the president is committed to — a country that is peaceful, prosperous and free of corruption".

But Githongo is also on record as saying he believed it was only after the expiry of a 24-month grace period that one could tell whether or not a government was serious in combating corruption. With his resignation two years into the job comes his verdict, loud and clear